{"id":1352,"date":"2025-01-15T19:53:42","date_gmt":"2025-01-15T16:53:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/?p=1352"},"modified":"2025-01-15T23:03:42","modified_gmt":"2025-01-15T20:03:42","slug":"turkiye-and-italy-in-the-mediterranean-shared-interests","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/turkiye-and-italy-in-the-mediterranean-shared-interests\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrkiye and Italy in the Mediterranean \u2013 Shared interests"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>When Italians visit T\u00fcrkiye, and vice versa, a common observation is the shared cultural and historical elements that connect these two Mediterranean nations. While differences undoubtedly exist, the prevailing sentiment is one of mutual understanding and familiarity. T\u00fcrkiye and Italy share a longstanding bond rooted in shared cultural, historical, and economic ties. Over the years, this relationship has transformed into a dynamic partnership, with both countries recognising the importance of collaboration in addressing regional and global challenges. This connection is evident in their robust trade relations and the consistent exchange of tourists. High-level diplomatic engagements and joint initiatives further highlight the growing strategic importance of this partnership within the Mediterranean region and beyond. Despite the historically positive relationship between Italy and T\u00fcrkiye, the election of Giorgia Meloni as Italy\u2019s Prime Minister in 2022 appears to have ushered in a more dynamic phase in bilateral relations, further strengthened by certain affinities between the two countries&#8217; leaders. This is evident, for instance, in the enthusiasm shown on Turkish social media during Giorgia Meloni\u2019s official visits to T\u00fcrkiye. The relationship between Italy and T\u00fcrkiye is part of a broader context, encompassing T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s ties with the European Union and with NATO. However, it has also demonstrated the ability to transcend these multilateral and defence frameworks, evolving in specific areas of bilateral cooperation. Relations between Rome and Ankara are anchored in four key pillars: economic, political, cultural, and strategic.<\/p>\n<p>Economic and trade ties form a foundational pillar of T\u00fcrkiye-Italy relations. Italy is T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;s fifth-largest trade partner, and their financial and trade ties are remarkable. This is evidenced by Italy consistently ranking among T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s top commercial partners. Furthermore, T\u00fcrkiye stands out as Italy\u2019s leading trade partner in the Mediterranean region, with a trade relationship characterised by stability and balance between imports and exports. The steady growth in trade and investment reflects the mutual trust and strategic interests shared by the two nations. In the early 2000s, bilateral trade was approximately $1.8 billion in Italian exports and $4.3 billion in imports. Over time, the two countries have forged a sustainable economic relationship, with bilateral trade reaching nearly \u20ac30 billion in 2024. This strong performance is supported by mutual investments totalling approximately \u20ac6 billion. Italy and T\u00fcrkiye share comparable market structures, with both economies heavily reliant on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) alongside several large industrial groups. This similarity facilitates trade exchanges and promotes bilateral investment opportunities. The Turkish branch of the Italian Chamber of Commerce has over 600 members, and more than 1,600 Italian companies currently operate in T\u00fcrkiye. These figures underscore the depth and dynamism of economic collaboration between the two countries, which continues to strengthen within the broader framework of Mediterranean partnerships. Recent developments, including the acquisition of Piaggio Aerospace by Turkey\u2019s Baykar, highlight a shift towards a more integrated and strategically focused economic partnership. Initiatives such as MeeT\u00fcrkItaly, led by the Italian Embassy in Ankara, are designed to build on this momentum by promoting Turkish markets and culture, deepening mutual understanding, and strengthening ties between the two nations.<\/p>\n<p>While commercial relations have solidified over time, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s ongoing economic crisis and a deficit in democratic standards could become factors that impact the sustainability of these relations in the long term. According to the latest official estimates, T\u00fcrkiye is currently experiencing a deep economic crisis, with inflation standing at approximately 47%. Moreover, the strong centralisation of power in the hands of the President has highlighted certain challenges, particularly within the judiciary. Issues related to transparency in the judicial system could pose obstacles for foreign companies looking to invest in the country.<\/p>\n<p>Despite different visions within political parties, Italy has consistently stood out among European nations as a steadfast supporter of T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s bid to join the European Union. For example, during Silvio Berlusconi&#8217;s presidency, Italy almost always adopted positions favourable to Turkey&#8217;s entry into the European Union, in contrast to the strongly opposing stances of Germany and France. This stance underscores Rome\u2019s belief in the strategic importance of anchoring T\u00fcrkiye within Europe\u2019s political and economic framework. Italy\u2019s support has been reinforced through high-level diplomatic engagements and initiatives to foster stronger EU-T\u00fcrkiye relations, reflecting its vision of a more inclusive and geopolitically balanced Europe.<\/p>\n<p>In today\u2019s shifting geopolitical landscape, marked by growing uncertainty, the ongoing war in Ukraine, the fall of Assad in Syria and the return of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency, Italy and T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s partnership could play a pivotal role in fostering rapprochement between T\u00fcrkiye and the EU. Such a strengthened relationship would not only contribute to bridging divides between Ankara and Brussels but also set a precedent for broader regional cooperation in addressing global challenges such as migration, energy security, and counterterrorism.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, considering the political difficulties currently faced by several European governments, such as those in Germany and France\u2014characterised by internal polarization and leadership crises\u2014Italy stands out as a politically stable and reliable partner. This stability positions Rome as a more credible interlocutor, capable of establishing channels of dialogue with T\u00fcrkiye while offering a forward-looking vision for European and Mediterranean diplomacy. Italy\u2019s ability to act as a bridge between T\u00fcrkiye and the EU underscores its commitment to promoting pragmatic, solution-oriented strategies within a volatile global order. Furthermore, the uncertainty surrounding the return of Donald Trump to the leadership of the world\u2019s foremost superpower, along with his statements regarding a possible withdrawal from NATO, further enhances the relative strategic importance of Ankara, which possesses the second-largest army within NATO. For instance, the alignment between Italy and T\u00fcrkiye has been evident in Ankara\u2019s role in brokering the grain deal, an achievement for which Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni expressed gratitude towards Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan.<\/p>\n<p>Rooted in their shared Mediterranean heritage and deep historical ties, cultural cooperation is another important element of Italy-T\u00fcrkiye relations. These connections form the basis for the widespread admiration in T\u00fcrkiye for Italian culture, art, and innovation, spanning architecture, fashion, design, and the preservation of archaeological and artistic heritage. This cultural admiration is further reflected in the growing demand for Italian language studies in T\u00fcrkiye, both as a gateway to Italy&#8217;s rich cultural patrimony and as a means of accessing professional opportunities, especially in economically vibrant and industrialised regions. Italian language courses are offered in numerous universities, including those in Ankara and Istanbul, where Italian Studies departments are particularly active, as well as in primary and secondary schools. In recent years, there has been a noticeable rise in the number of Turkish students opting to study at Italian universities, especially through the Erasmus program for international study exchanges. However, the number of Italian students heading to T\u00fcrkiye for academic or research purposes remains quite limited. This imbalance can be attributed to the lack of sufficient agreements between Italian and Turkish universities, which restricts opportunities for Italian students to pursue educational experiences in T\u00fcrkiye.<\/p>\n<p>A highlight of cultural collaboration is the long-standing partnership in archaeology, a powerful tool of cultural diplomacy. For over 60 years, Italian archaeological missions in T\u00fcrkiye have significantly contributed to recovering and promoting the country\u2019s vast historical heritage, leveraging Italy\u2019s expertise and professionalism in this field. In 2020 alone, Italy supported 11 archaeological missions in T\u00fcrkiye, funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (MAECI).<\/p>\n<p>Such collaborations underscore the commitment of both nations to preserve and valorise shared heritage while fostering dialogue and sustainable development across the Mediterranean. These projects not only contribute to scientific discovery but also strengthen ties between governments, universities, and research institutions, exemplifying the broader cultural partnership between Italy and T\u00fcrkiye.<\/p>\n<p>As the Mediterranean and Black Sea regions become increasingly significant in global geopolitics, Turkey and Italy\u2019s partnership holds substantial potential for regional stability and development. The outbreak of war in Ukraine has highlighted the need for strategic alliances, with Italy emerging as one of Turkey\u2019s most critical partners in addressing challenges in these areas. From energy security to managing migration flows, collaboration between these nations offers a roadmap for tackling pressing issues that transcend national borders, as demonstrated by the case of Lybia. Moreover, Italy and T\u00fcrkiye share an opportunity for deeper collaboration in Africa, particularly in regions where countries like France and Germany, along with other Western powers, have reduced their presence. Italy\u2019s potential partnership with T\u00fcrkiye could leverage Ankara\u2019s growing influence in Africa, combining Italy\u2019s economic and diplomatic expertise with T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s established networks to fill this void. Such cooperation could not only bolster their bilateral ties but also strengthen their strategic impact on a continent poised for significant global influence in the years to come.<\/p>\n<p>The recent acquisition of Italy&#8217;s Piaggio Aerospace by Turkish drone manufacturer Baykar holds significant strategic importance for both companies and their respective countries. Piaggio Aerospace, established in 1884, is renowned for its advanced aircraft and engine designs but has faced financial challenges, leading to special administration since 2018. Baykar, a leading Turkish defence firm known for its Bayraktar drones, has committed to revitalising Piaggio Aerospace&#8217;s operations, including aircraft production, technical support, and engine maintenance. This acquisition enhances Baykar&#8217;s technological capabilities, expands its presence in the European aerospace sector, and strengthens defence and industrial ties between Italy and T\u00fcrkiye, potentially fostering deeper collaboration within the NATO alliance.<\/p>\n<p>Overall, Turkish\u2013Italian relations are already robust, but there is significant potential for further strengthening. One key avenue for achieving this lies in addressing the Customs Union (CU) &#8216;s structural shortcomings that govern a substantial portion of T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;s economic relations with the EU and its Member States. The CU has effectively integrated T\u00fcrkiye into the EU\u2019s internal market for goods, enabling Turkish manufactured products to be traded within the EU without tariffs or quotas. It was also designed to align T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s economy with the EU\u2019s regulatory standards, paving the way for T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s transition from an EU neighbour to a candidate country and eventually a full EU member. However, nearly 25 years later, with T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s EU membership prospects largely diminished, the current CU framework is increasingly outdated. To reflect the realities of today\u2019s global economic landscape, the CU must be modernised to address emerging trade challenges and unlock new opportunities for both parties.Despite the ups and downs, the political, economic, and social ties between Italy and T\u00fcrkiye remain strong. In recent years, there has been a significant increase in the recognition of overlapping interests on specific key issues, particularly in Libya. In a rapidly evolving and increasingly unstable international context, where even the future of NATO may be uncertain, the Italian-Turkish axis holds significant potential to act as a stabilising force in political and security domains. This partnership could play a critical role across multiple fronts, from the Mediterranean to the Horn of Africa, emphasising its strategic importance in fostering regional stability.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The outbreak of war in Ukraine has highlighted the need for strategic alliances, with Italy emerging as one of Turkey\u2019s most critical partners in addressing challenges in these areas. From energy security to managing migration flows, collaboration between these nations offers a roadmap for tackling pressing issues that transcend national borders, as demonstrated by the\u00a0case\u00a0of\u00a0Lybia.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":20,"featured_media":1353,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[171,173,174,172,7],"ppma_author":[170],"class_list":["post-1352","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-foreign-policy","tag-giorgia-meloni","tag-italy","tag-mediterranean","tag-recep-tayyip-erdogan","tag-turkiye"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"authors":[{"term_id":170,"user_id":20,"is_guest":0,"slug":"riccardo-gasco","display_name":"Riccardo Gasco","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/Riccardo-Gasco.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/Riccardo-Gasco.jpg"},"0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1352","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/20"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1352"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1352\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1353"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1352"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1352"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1352"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.toplum.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1352"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}